This study aimed to re-interpret the Chinese letters inscribed on the Suda Hachiman Shrine Mirror, which was controversial about the date and the origin of the production in the historical societies in Korea and Japan, and, on the basis of the new interpretation, intended to investigate the subject of the mirror production and the unique features of the inscriptions. As a result, it was confirmed that King Dongseong lived in the Osisaka Palace with the help of Younger Brother King (Emperor Yūryaku) while he was stayin in Japan, and Sama (King Muryeong of Baekje) sent 200 du of copper ingot to him. And it has also been elucidated that the mirror was made by King Dongseong after he returned to Baekje and ascended the throne with the bronze sent by Sama on August 10, 491, which was the 13th year of his reign. On the other hand, the inscriptions on the mirror allowed us to restore the uncertain royal genealogy of the Ungjin Baekje period: King Gaero and Gonji were brothers, and King Dongseong was the half-brother of King Muryeong. In addition, the genealogy leading to King Gaero, King Munju, and King Samgeun and the genealogy leading to Gonji, King Dongseong, and King Muryeong were confirmed.

It is found that Liu Zongzhou’s view on the family and clan is not significantly different from the traditional Confucian scholars’ “family and clan” theory. However, it is noteworthy that in the case of Liu Zongzhou, his own self-cultivating element is projected to maintain the order of the “family / clan”. In other words, it is like a request for moral training in the “family lesson” or a “book of commending good and recording bad(Zhangshanjiebu)” in the “clan regulation(Zongyao).” For him, the order problem of "family / clan" (Qijia) is regarded as the order problem within himself (under morality cultivation). Furthermore, his perspective on “family / clan” is that the stability of order within the family / clan can be directly linked to the nation (world) rather than the actual union of clan. For Liu Zongzhou, various kinds of activities such as rituals performed within the clan are symbolic rituals that reveal the “righteousness” of the emperors and subjects, and worshiping ancestors has the significance of clarifying the human morals of the entire country. If his death to the Ming dynasty is considered, Liu Zongzhou's view of “family / clan” is reasonable.

I tried to elucidate the prodcution date and the equivalent era name of the Seven-branched Sword (K. Chiljido) with the issue of an auspicious sign theory. In particular, it was confirmed that the era name indicated in the inscription engraved on Chiljido as ‘Bong-won (Ch. 奉元),’ and that this sword was produced on November 16, the 4th year of King Jeonji's reign (408). In addition, the meaning of '丙午 正陽' and '奇生' among the main issues related to the inscription was examined. Through this process, it was figured that Chiljido was produced on the winter solstice day when the energy of Yang (Ch. 陽) was generated based on the principle of ‘奇生’ from the Book of Changes. Therefore, it analyzed the meaning of 'giving it to a feudal lord(Ch. 冝供供侯 王) ' or 'the crown prince of Paekche issued an edict to make the sword for the king of Japan, so give it to future generations.' The meaning seems to reflect that the robustness of trigrams of the sky (Ch. 乾) and water (Ch. 坎) in the trigrams from the Book of Changes is Paekche, and the meekness of trigrams of the earth (Ch. 乾) and fire (Ch. 离) refers to Japan. Furthermore, given that ‘seven branches (Ch. 七支)’ included in the phrase ‘Seven-branched Sword of 100 times tempered iron (Ch. 百練銕七支刀)’ describes the characteristics of ‘the Jewell of Elephant’ among the Seven Treasures of Chakravarti of Buddhism, the possibility of projecting the ideology of Chakravarti in the production of Chiljido was assumed.

Maruyama Masao established the history of Japanese thought in 『A Study on the History of Political Thoughts in Japan』 with Ogyu Sorai as the center. Maruyama tried to find out how the orthodox world image of feudal society is internally collapsing, centering on the study of Sorai. Through the clarification of these tasks, it is to “examine the pattern of modernization of Japanese society and Japanese thought in a broad sense, and the characteristics of the West on the one hand and Asian countries on the other hand”. However, Maruyama's research on Sorai studies was not submitted through thorough reading of Sorai's writings, so he neglected to deal with the problems within the Sorai school. Sorai's historical evaluation of Dazai Shundai called 'Epigonen' will tell you that.

Chungju(忠州) has been a historically important city. In the center of Chungju, there was a town castle. And it was a double-structured fortress city surrounding the center of the city. Recently, excavations, literature, and data have been supplemented, giving a new turning point to the approach to Chungju. As a result of the investigation, there were at least two temples inside Chungju's outer fortress. These are Yongsansa Temple(龍山寺) and Uirimsa Temple(義林寺). Yongsansa Temple supported the existence of a tile engraved with the name of the temple during a detailed excavation survey of Hoam-dong(虎巖 洞) residential district. In September 1392, Yongsansa Temple appeared in the poem of Seong Seok-rin(成石璘), who stayed in Chungju. In modern times, along with an article on the Yongsan-ri(龍山里) Historic Preservation Site in 1927, the location of Yongsansa Temple was estimated in connection with the establishment of Chungju College of Education(忠州師 範學校), which was decided in 1947. Chungju Cheolbul(忠州鐵佛) is a relic directly related to Yongsansa Temple. Chungju Cheolbul, originally located at 130 Yongsan-ri(龍山里), Chungjugun( 忠州郡), is just called Chungju Cheolbul without belonging because the existence or name of the temple that existed has not been confirmed. The original location where Chungju Cheolbul was located is a part of the space where Yongsan Temple was located. This applies to the entire back of Chungju Technical High School(忠州工業高等學校). Therefore, it raises questions about the conventional wisdom that Chungju Cheolbul existed at Uirimsa Temple Site in Anrim-dong(安林洞). Chungju Cheolbul was moved to the front yard of Cheongnyeongheon(淸 寧軒) in 1915. At this time, a seat was prepared. The pedestal is said to have been taken from Eorim-ri(御林里), Anrim-dong in 1869, and was called Ilyeongseok(日影石). It served as a kind of sundial. That's why the temple site in Anrim-dong was also called "Ilyeongsa Temple Site(日影寺 址). Ilyeongseok is the body stone of the stone pagoda. There is a temple site in Eorim-ri, Anrim-dong. It was called Ilyeongsa Temple Site or Anrim-dong Temple Site(安林洞寺址). When the Bronze Banja(靑銅飯子) was recovered in 1989, it was confirmed that the temple was named Uirimsa Temple. It is also a place with various names and legends such as the site of the palace or Igungji. The combination of Chungju Iron Buddha and Ilyeongseok in 1915 can be seen as the first meeting between Yongsansa Temple and Uirimsa Temple in downtown Chungju. During the Goryeo Dynasty, when Buddhism was the state religion, the existence of two downtown temples has great implications for understanding Chungju. The relationship between Chungju-eupseong Fortress(忠州邑城) and Oeseong Fortress(忠州外城), Yongsansa Temple and Uirimsa Temple, and Chungju Cheolbul is a task to be solved as well as the historical importance of Chungju. Individual research on each subject is also important, and it is also necessary to have an integrated understanding of the entire city. This article is therefore of a contemporary opinion with more future tasks.

This paper examines the historical background of the formation of ‘Shin-Okubo Korea town’ in Tokyo, Japan, and reviews the social or academic implications of its transformation. The main contents of this paper are as follows. First, the history of the area where Shin-Okubo is located dates back to the Edo period. As a result, it was confirmed that this area was an ‘open’ space that was easy for foreigners to come in and settle down long before the Korea town was formed, and this characteristic became the historical background that facilitated the formation of the Korea town. Second, this paper emphasizes that Shin-Okubo Korea town is becoming an important hub for exchanges between Korea and Japan under the influence of the Korean Wave phenomenon. Amidst Korea-Japan relations, which are prone to crunch due to history and diplomacy, the community called Shin-Okubo plays a role as a barometer to gauge the grassroots cultural exchanges of the citizens of both countries. Third, Shin-Okubo can be pointed out that it is not staying in the ‘Korea town,’ but is changing into an ‘ethnic town’ where various cultures and ethnic groups come together. This paper also emphasizes that this is not a crisis of the disappearance of the Korea town in Shin-Okubo, but a possibility to evolve and be reborn as a new space where cultural ‘hybridity’ and ‘coexistence’ can be practiced.

On May 17, 645, the flames of the fall of the Riaotung fortress were seen in the northeastern part of Baekam the fortress. The next time, Master of Castle Son Dae-eum who believed to be Baekam Fortress, was terrified, and sent a man to Emperor Tang Taejong to reserve surrender. Son Dae-eum, who thought only of his own safety, had a strong desire for personal survival, and it was fear that dominated his head. On May 29, Asanasama, a royal family of Trük, was bowed while approaching the wall of Baekam Fortress with troops. Asanasama led the Trük cavalry in Goguryeo. The same was true of Asanasai, Asanachung and Gipsil, who also fought together. Gyepilharyuk Army led cavalry consisting of the Western Trük, Senbi, Tibetian, and Iranians. The battleground was a race showroom. Ogol Fortress sent 10,000 Goguryeo troops to save Baekam Fortress. A battle was fought between nomadic cavalry and Goguryeo cavalry. Gyepilharyuke was surrounded by Goguryeo troops, and as the siege narrowed, nomadic cavalry died. In Goguryeo War, Nomadic cavalry played a pivotal role in the Tang army which has a lot of acidity. Nomads living in harsh conditions basically had the art of shooting bows and swinging spears on swaying horses. It was fundamentally different from dealing with weapons on fixed ground. They were like high-performance interceptors. Without them, Chinese soldiers could not defend the supply route, encircle Goguryeo's fortresses, or carry the siege planes that smashed the fortress. One of the important functions of the castle is the sit-in, but it is a desperate stage of siege. The isolated castle was often attacked by an air force and eventually fell. In order for the situation not to go that far, cavalry must support it. There may be a limit to the cavalry of the castle itself under attack. Therefore, we need to get support from nearby castles. It is Army of Ogolseong Fortress The victorious Goguryeo cavalry raised the morale of Baekam Fortress. The people of the castle showed hope that they could protect their living quarters. Son Dae-eum also regretted. Then the angry emperor allowed the plunder after the fall of the fortress. Gyepilharyuke, who was alive but angry, was dispatched again (May 29). His followers also reportedly broke Goguryeo cavalry from Ogolseong Fortress. From the point of gaining the upper hand in cavalry, the Tang army was able to move the siege to the city of Baengam on 30 May. Catapult hit the fortress. Stones and arrows pour into the castle. The rising momentum of the Tang army also increased. ju Son Dae-eum's heart leaned back toward surrender. He sent a secret agent to ask the emperor to surrender again. Tang's flag hung over the castle. Goguryeo soldiers saw it and stopped resistance. Baekamseong Fortress has fallen. The emperor decided to ban looting and reward soldiers at his own expense. He had to show Mercy to the Goguryeo people. We do not know the name of the Master of Liaodong ㆍGemo Castle who died while guarding the castle. The Master of Anshi Castle who defeated the emperor, did not make a name in history. However, Son Dae-eum, who sold off the castle, was recorded. tress.